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Jurnal Hubungan Internasional
ISSN : 18295088     EISSN : 25033883     DOI : -
Core Subject : Science, Education,
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional (JHI) is a biannual journal published by Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborates with Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia(AIHII).
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Search results for , issue " Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April - September 2017" : 10 Documents clear
Pemikiran Johan Galtung tentang Kekerasan dalam Perspektif Feminisme Eriyanti, Linda Dwi
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April - September 2017
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (178.477 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61102

Abstract

This article aims to analyze the gender aspects in Johan Galtung thought about Violence. Johan Galtung conception of violence, namely, direct violence, structural violence, and cultural violence was comprehensive enough to observe violence at all levels, including gender-based violence. The issue of violence appeal to feminists because of violence against women is a mechanism of subordination of women. Violence against women has an impact not only for women victims but also women in general, which ultimately in the lives of women always feel threatened by numerous acts of violence in public and private sphere. Using the sociology of knowledge, this article seeks the connection between Johan Galtung’s thought and his life background. The research method is a qualitative method with literature study used secondary data. This article found that there are similarities between Johan Galtung thought with numerous streams of feminism that ever existed. Telling about direct violence, Johan Galtung puts women at enmity with men on one hand. On the other hand, the structure and culture of patriarchy that have existed in society also become violent themselves. In its efforts to realize peace, Johan Galtung wants the equality between the sexes, where there are cooperation and a balance of roles between men and women who all of them lead to the peace process. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa aspek gender dalam pemikiran Johan Galtung tentang kekerasan. Konsep kekerasan Johan Galtung yang meliputi kekerasan langsung, kekerasan struktural, dan kekerasan kultural, cukup komprehensif untuk melihat kekerasan di semua tingkat, termasuk kekerasan berbasis gender. Isu kekerasan menarik bagi feminis karena kekerasan terhadap perempuan merupakan mekanisme subordinasi perempuan. Kekerasan terhadap perempuan tidak hanya berdampak pada korban, tapi juga perempuan pada umumnya, yang pada akhirnya dalam kehidupan perempuan selalu merasa terancam oleh berbagai tindakan kekerasan di ranah publik dan privat. Dengan menggunakan sosiologi pengetahuan, artikel ini mencoba menganalisis hubungan antara Johan Galtung dan latar belakang kehidupannya. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif, dengan studi literatur menggunakan data sekunder. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa ada kesamaan antara pemikiran Johan Galtung dengan berbagai aliran feminisme yang pernah ada. Berbicara tentang kekerasan langsung, Johan Galtung menempatkan perempuan berhadapan dengan laki-laki yang merupakan pelaku kekerasan. Di sisi lain, struktur dan budaya patriarki yang ada di masyarakat juga merupakan bentuk kekerasan, di mana struktur yang keras, dilegitimasi oleh budaya kekerasan menciptakan lingkungan yang penuh kekerasan. Dalam upayanya mewujudkan perdamaian, Johan Galtung menginginkan persamaan antara jenis kelamin, di mana ada kerjasama dan keseimbangan peran antara pria dan wanita yang semuanya mengarah pada proses perdamaian.
Environmental Crisis: A Global Threat of Human Security Winarno, Budi
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April - September 2017
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (233.755 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61107

Abstract

Global warming and climate change  are not more than  an environmental crisis in the era of  neoliberal globalization. This has been a global issue, and in the same time, it has been gradually becoming a global threat of human security.  Global awareness among leaders of the countries in the world,  and among international communites, are needed to stand together in order to strenghening regional organization and international regime solving this threat of environmental crisis. A global awareness and cooperation among emerging and developed countries are needed  to rise their polical will substantially,  and  most important is  to rule out polical economy interest of the developed countries in order to  bring about regional organizations  and  international regime of global environment having more capacity to solve environmental crisis
Isu Pemanasan Global dalam Pergeseran Paradigma Keamanan pada Studi Hubungan Internasional Sayyidati, Adibah
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April - September 2017
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (134.066 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61103

Abstract

For many years, International Relations (IRs) has focused its discussion on politico-military theme, where the states were the main actor in this study. This tradition is known as realism. As time went by, the golden age of realism paradigm comes to an end because it couldn’t cope with the complicated problem faced by international community. That is why IRs begins to broaden and deepen its object of discussion to non-military topics, such as economics, politics, social, and environment. In a brief, IRs discourse moves from state security to human security. As what has been explained, economics is one of many sectors that get attention the most because this theme related to human activity on fulfilling their daily basic needs. But, this activity causes undesired effect to the environment, such as global warming, that should be handled as soon as possible. It encourages international community to begin paying attention to this issue at last decade. Global warming as the one of the biggest issue in environmental security is the trigger of it. This topic also made environmental issue to be IRs focus of study as well as another aspect, such as military, economics, and politics.Artikel ini memaparkan perubahan jangkauan pembahasan studi Hubungan Internasional (HI) dari tema-tema politik dan militer di mana negara menjadi aktor utama dalam disiplin ilmu ini yang kemudian berkembang menjadi tema-tema seperti ekonomi, sosial, dan lingkungan sehingga tidak lagi hanya fokus pada topik-topik politik dan militer. Dengan kata lain, disiplin ilmu HI telah menggeser fokus obyek kajiannya dari keamanan negara menjadi keamanan manusia yang meliputi tema-tema non-militer. Ekonomi menjadi salah satu bidang yang mendapat perhatian lebih karena aspek ini terkait dengan aktifitas manusia untuk memenuhi kebutuhan hidupnya. Namun aktifitas ekonomi ini juga membawa efek samping, seperti pemanasan global, yang harus ditangani seefektif mungkin. Inilah yang melatarbelakangi besarnya perhatian komunitas internasional pada fenomena tersebut dalam beberapa dekade terakhir. Pemanasan global ini juga mengantarkan tema lingkungan untuk menyejajarkan dirinya dengan aspek-aspek lain seperti ekonomi dan politik sebagai fokus kajian HI.
BREXIT: Pelajaran bagi ASEAN Nanda, Bima Jon; Permata, Inda Mustika
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April - September 2017
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (345.345 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61104

Abstract

This paper discusses the Brexit phenomenon and lessons can be learned for ASEAN regional cooperation. Brexit or Britain Exit is the phenomenon when Britain ceased being a member of the European Union (EU). The main reason for British escape from the EU through referendum is immigrant issues. Besides, they are not too well informed about the EU and only see the negative impact of the EU on the UK. The conditions faced by the UK are essentially driven by single European market policy. So the flow of capital, goods, services, and workers can move freely in the EU member states. ASEAN has reached the similar level of integration through the AEC in 2015, therefore ASEAN should take lessons from the Brexit phenomenon since the same thing might happen to ASEAN. Knowledge or information of a regional cooperation is important to note for the ASEAN society to create mutual understanding among ASEAN community. Ignorance will result in fear and prejudice against particular policies of a regional cooperation. Tulisan ini membahas fenomena Brexit dan pelajaran yang bisa diambil oleh kerja sama regional ASEAN. Brexit atau Britain Exit merupakan fenomena keluarnya Inggris dari keanggotaan Uni Eropa. Isu imigran menjadi alasan utama masyarakat Inggris melakukan referendum untuk keluar dari Uni Eropa. Namun faktanya, warga Inggris sendiri tidak terlalu mengetahui apa itu Uni Eropa dan pendapat masyarakat Inggris justru melihat Uni Eropa membawa dampak negatif pada Inggris. Kondisi yang dihadapi Inggris pada dasarnya dipicu kebijakan single market sehingga arus modal, barang, jasa, dan pekerja dapat dengan bebas bergerak di negara-negara anggota Uni Eropa. ASEAN pada tahun 2015 mencapai tingkat integrasi yang hampir sama melalui ASEAN Economic Community, ASEAN harus dapat mengambil pelajaran dari fenomena Brexit bahwa hal yang sama mungkin terjadi di ASEAN. Pengetahuan atau informasi dari suatu kerja sama regional penting untuk diketahui bagi masyarakat di regional tersebut. Ketidaktahuan akan berakibat pada ketakutan dan prasangka terhadap kebijakan tertentu dari suatu kerja sama regional. ASEAN bisa saja menghadapi hal yang sama melalui AEC, sehingga Brexit memberikan pelajaran dan beberapa catatan bagi kerja sama regional ASEAN, tentang pentingnya pengetahuan terkait ASEAN kepada masyarakat ASEAN itu sendiri.
Keterlibatan Amerika Serikat dalam Sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan pada Masa Pemerintahan Presiden Barack Obama Darmawan, Arief Bakhtiar; Ndadari, Gebyar Lintang
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April - September 2017
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (344.391 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61100

Abstract

This article aims to analyze the United States (U.S.) involvement in the South China Sea (SCS) dispute. It argues that U.S. involvement has strong reasons and gives significant impact on the region. Jurisdictional claims in the SCS amongst claimants have increased the military activities in the region.Therefore, U.S. needs to increase its presence and involvement in the disputed area. These actions are intended to maintain U.S. interests in the region and secure its national security in the SCS, especially to preserve American global leadership and to maintain peace and stability. Using the concept of balance of power and national security, this article explains that U.S. involvement causes the status quo in the SCS. Although the U.S. is working closely with the Philippines and Vietnam to be a balance of power in the region, U.S. involvement does not use the military power or conflict against China in the SCS.Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis keterlibatan Amerika Serikat (AS) dalam sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan (LTS). Artikel ini berargumen bahwa keterlibatan AS tersebut memiliki alasan yang kuat dan memberi pengaruh yang signifikan atas situasi yang terjadi di kawasan tersebut. Klaim tumpang-tindih enam pihak atau negara atas wilayah LTS telah meningkatkan ketegangan di kawasan. Hal itu membuat AS memperkuat kehadiran dan keterlibatannya di kawasan tersebut. Keterlibatan AS merupakan bagian dari upaya AS untuk memelihara keamanan dan kepentingan nasional atas LTS, serta menjaga kepemimpinan global, perdamaian, dan stabilitas di kawasan. Dengan menggunakan konsep perimbangan kekuatan dan keamanan nasional, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa keterlibatan AS menyebabkan status quo atas apa yang terjadi dalam wilayah LTS. Meskipun AS bekerja sama dengan Filipina dan Vietnam untuk menjadi kekuatan penyeimbang kekuatan di kawasan, namun keterlibatan AS tidak sampai pada penggunaan kekuatan militer atau konflik terbuka melawan Tiongkok di LTS.
Karakter Diplomasi Publik Indonesia terhadap Malaysia Rachmawati, Iva
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April - September 2017
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (204.685 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61105

Abstract

Public diplomacy, as an effort to maintain the system of inter-state relations and also its existence in the international environment, refers to the communicative activities of the state as well as the domestic public to the public outside the state. Public diplomacy then becomes a supportive tool for maintaining inter-state relations and avoiding conflicts arising between countries. However, in Indonesia-Malaysia relations, the practice of public diplomacy tends to lead to negative actions in influencing relations. This article shows that negative Indonesian public diplomacy towards Malaysia has been influenced by distinctive characters, reactive and inferior. Those characters were formed by historical frame on collective memory which collide Malaysian NEP impact. As a result, public diplomacy does not exist as a bridge to maintain relationships positively but rather tends to be practised through negative communication forms. This article is a result of qualitative research methods based on interviews and literature studies. Diplomasi publik, sebagai upaya untuk memelihara sistem relasi antar negara dan juga keberadaannya dalam lingkungan internasional yang merujuk pada aktfitas komunikatif publik domestik suatu negara terhadap publik di luar negara. Diplomasi publik kemudian menjadi alat yang suportif untuk menjaga relasi antar negara dan menghindarkan negara dari konflik akibat persoalan yang muncul antar negara. Namun, pada relasi Indonesia-Malaysia, praktik diplomasi publik cenderung mengarah pada tindakan-tindakan yang negatif dalam memengaruhi relasi. Artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa praktik-praktik diplomasi publik Indonesia terhadap Malaysia yang negatif tersebut dipengaruhi oleh karakter yang khas, yaitu karakter reaktif dan inferior. Karakter tersebut terbentuk oleh bingkai sejarah pada memori kolektif yang bertemu dengan dampak NEP Malaysia. Akibatnya, diplomasi publik tidak hadir sebagai jembatan untuk memelihara relasi secara positif melainkan cenderung dipraktikkan melalui bentuk-bentuk komunikasi yang negatif. Artikel ini merupakan hasil riset yang dilakukan dengan metode kualitatif berdasar pada wawancara dan studi literatur.
Strategi Rebalancing Amerika Serikat di Kawasan Asia-Pasifik Planifolia, Vanilla
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April - September 2017
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (210.557 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61101

Abstract

This paper will discuss why the United States changed its foreign policy from the Middle East to Asia-Pacific region. The dynamic of the region shows that China plays an important role along with its national capability improvement. The increase in China's national capability is seen as a challenge to national interests, as well as security for the United States alliance states in the Asia-Pacific region. Using an analytical framework based on the Balance of Threat theory, the author concludes that there is a strong relation between China's national capability improvements with the implementation of US rebalancing strategy to the Asia-Pacific region.Tulisan ini mencoba menganalisa alasan Amerika Serikat mengubah fokus kebijakan luar negerinya dari Kawasan Timur Tengah ke Kawasan Asia-Pasifik. Dinamika kawasan yang terjadi, China memegang peran penting seiring dengan peningkatan kapabilitas nasionalnya. Peningkatan kapabilitas nasional China tersebut dilihat sebagai tantangan bagi kepentingan nasional, sekaligus keamanan bagi negara aliansi Amerika Serikat di Kawasan Asia-Pasifik. Dengan menggunakan kerangka analisa berdasarkan teori Balance of Threat, penulis menyimpulkan bahwa terdapat keterkaitan yang sangat kuat antara peningkatan kapabilitas nasional China dengan penerapan strategi rebalancing Amerika Serikat ke Kawasan Asia-Pasifik.
Labour Migration from Indonesia to South Korea: Challenges in Maximizing Potentials Yazid, Sylvia
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April - September 2017
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (231.177 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61106

Abstract

Analisa tentang mengapa seseorang bermigrasi untuk bekerja di negara lain umumnya dilakukan melalui pencarian dan pendeskripsian faktor-faktor “push” dan “pull” , di mana pendapatan rendah dan pengangguran yang tinggi menjadi faktor pendorong dan pendapatan tinggi dan pengangguran yang rendah menjadi faktor penarik. Ini dapat digunakan untuk menjelaskan alasan umum bagi migrasi tenaga kerja yang bersifat sementara namun tidak cukup untuk menjelaskan lebih lanjut mengapa seseorang memutuskan bermigrasi ke suatu negara dan bukan ke negara lainnya. Inilah yang dihadapi Indonesia dan Korea Selatan. Walaupun masih banyak orang yang mencari pekerjaan di Indonesia dan Korea Selatan masih membutuhkan pekerja asing, jumlah orang Indonesia yang bekerja di kategorikan kecil bila dibandingkan dengan jumlah di negara penerima lainnya di kawasan seperti Malaysia, Singapura, Hong Kong dan Thailand. Asumsinya terdapat sejumlah faktor yang menghalangi terwujudnya dampak maksimum dari faktor pendorong dan penarik ini. Tulisan ini menganalisa faktor-faktor penghambat tersebut, terutama terkait dengan tingginya persyaratan yang ditetapkan oleh Korea Selatan dan keterbatasan kemampuan untuk memenuhi persyaratan ini dari sisi Indonesia. Pemahaman tentang faktor-faktor penghambat ini akan dapat berkontribusi bagi upaya meningkatkan jumlah pekerja Indonesia di Korea Selatan, yang dapat dianggap sebagai negara yang cukup aman untuk tempat bekerja. An analysis of why people migrate to work in another country is commonly conducted through a listing and description of the push and pull factors, with low income and high unemployment being the push factors and high income and low unemployment being the pull factors. It can be used to explain in general the reasons for temporary labour migration but not to explain why people choose to migrate to a certain country, instead of the others. This is the case of South Korea and Indonesia. There is still a number of Indonesian workers seeking for employment abroad, and there is also a high demand for foreign workers in South Korea. However, the number of Indonesians working in South Korea can still be considered small if compared to the numbers of Indonesians working in other countries in the region, such as Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan. The assumption is that there are factors that hinder maximum impacts of this push and pull factors. This paper looked into these hindering factors which are mainly related to the high requirements from the South Korea side and the inability to fulfill the requirements from the Indonesia side. An understanding of these hindering factors may contribute to the efforts of increasing the number of Indonesians working in South Korea, which is considered as a reasonably safe country to work in.
Building Maritime Domain Awareness as an Essential Element of the Global Maritime Fulcrum: Challenges and Prospects for Indonesia’s Maritime Security Agastia, I Gusti Bagus Dharma; Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April - September 2017
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (186.748 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61109

Abstract

The Global Maritime Fulcrum has been an essential cornerstone of Indonesian foreign and domestic policy for the Joko Widodo administration. It envisions Indonesia as a regional maritime power capable of providing maritime security within its territorial waters and within the Indo-Pacific region. It also captures Indonesia’s ambition to boost its maritime economy. The Joko Widodo administration has been building the Global Maritime Fulcrum for three years. Though physical development has indeed been remarkable, there has been a lack of a focus on developing maritime domain awareness, or MDA. As an essential foundation of maritime policy, it is important that a state invests in ensuring adequate MDA-building capacities to guide its maritime policy. Without proper MDA, it would be difficult for maritime stakeholders to allocate and prioritise maritime resources to the key areas of concern of the Global Maritime Fulcrum.This paper constructs a framework of MDA, which is used to examine the issues with Indonesia’s MDA-building process at three levels: strategic, operational, and technical. It identifies three issues, namely a lack of capacity to conduct sustained MDA operations, a lack of inter-agency coordination, and the problem of maritime ‘sense-making’. Several policy recommendations aimed at increasing Indonesia’s capacity to build MDA are proposed at the end.
RSPO, ISPO and Global Environmental Governance: An English School Perspective Yani, Yanyan Mochamad; Robertua, Verdinand
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 1 (2017): April - September 2017
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (203.757 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/hi.61108

Abstract

This is a theoretical and conceptual review focusing the role and influence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in global environmental governance (GEG). This research will use the case of the relationship between Indonesia Sustainable Palm Oil (ISPO) and Roundtable Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO). RSPO is established in 2004 acted as private self-regulation in standard setting of palm oil trade in accordance with global environmental conservation values. In 2011, Government of Indonesia established ISPO to compete with RSPO. This research aimed to contribute to the development of theory of environmental studies of English School through the reformulation of pluralism and solidarism and to understand the relationship between pluralism and solidarism. This research has three conclusion. Firstly, despite RSPO and ISPO have different characters and procedures but they have similarities in achieving betterment in environmental protection. Secondly, based on the difference between RSPO and ISPO, this research reformulate pluralism and solidarism’s contribution toward environmental studies of English School. Thirdly, global environmental governance is possible to be the middle way concept capturing the coexistence between pluralism and solidarism. 

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