Nanto Sriyanto, Nanto
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Neotradisionalisme dan Distopianisme: Tinjauan atas Tiga Buku Robert D. Kaplan, The Coming Anarchy: Shattering the Dreams of the Post Cold War (New York: Vintage Books. 2000), The Revenge of Geography: What the Map Tells Us About Coming Conflicts and the Battle Against Fate (New York: Random House Publishing. 2013), dan Asias Cauldron: the South China Sea and the End of A Stable Pacific (New York: Random House. 2014)

Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 13, No 1 (2016): Komunitas ASEAN dan Tantangan Ke Depan
Publisher : Pusat Penelitian Politik

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Abstract

Kumpulan tulisan Robert D. Kaplan dibukukan dalam buku The Coming Anarchy (2000) yang menggambarkan pemikiran awalnya perihal perkembangan dunia di dekade pertama pasca-Perang Dingin. Memasuki dekade kedua millennium baru, Robert D. Kaplan menerbitkan dua buku yang kurang lebih bertalian secara tematik. Buku pertamanya yang dimaksud adalah The Revenge of Geography: What the Map Tells Us About Coming Conflicts and the Battle Against Fate (2013) yang secara tematik juga dapat dipertautkan dengan buku yang terbit belakangan mengenai perkembangan Laut Tiongkok Selatan dengan negara-negara pesisirnya, Asias Cauldron: the South China Sea and the End of A Stable Pacific (2014). Kedua buku ini menarik disandingkan dengan buku pertama dalam melihat perkembangan pemikiran Kaplan dengan pendekatannya yang lekat dengan amatan lapangan.

Kritik atas Determinisme dalam Model Transisi Demokrasi

Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 2, No 1 (2005): Politik Pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
Publisher : Pusat Penelitian Politik

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Abstract

Democratization has spilled over to many new transitional countries. Democratization is a model firstly stated by Rustow in 1970s to distinguish it from democracy. The Model assumes that genesis andfunction of democracy is different. The model emphasizes dynamic role of strategic actors or elite topromote democratization through bargaining process. Since then, the model has been modified with some ad hoc argument takenfrom new evidences. Since the model only give emphasize to dynamic role of strategic actors, it has produce deterministic conclusion. The determinism ofthe model is caused by disregard of structural and non-political factor. Ifthe model is deterministic, can the liberal democracy that taken as ideal purpose ofdemocratic transition unbounded from determinism ofthe model? Is there another model of democracy that contains local aspect ofmany transition States?

GLOBAL MARITIME FULCRUM, INDONESIA-CHINA GROWING RELATIONS, AND INDONESIA’S MIDDLEPOWERMANSHIP IN THE EAST ASIA REGION

Jurnal Kajian Wilayah Vol 9, No 1 (2018): Jurnal Kajian Wilayah
Publisher : Research Center for Regional Resources-Indonesian Institute of Sciences (P2SDR-LIPI)

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Abstract

The relation between Indonesia and China sparks a new era by the signing of a strategic partnership agreement in 2005. The signing of strategic partnership and similarities in infrastructure booming in both countries initiates the significant flow of capital and cooperation. Under the presidency of Joko Widodo, Indonesia’s program of domestic connectivity, which dubbed as Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF), has opened more extensive opportunity for China to invest and build complementarities of her Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI). Despite the fact that two countries could move into a strategic partnership, other factors have hampered the relations between the two. Indonesias foreign policy doctrine will not allow herself to become fully aligned with other great power politics in the region. Indonesia has been long pursued an international activism based on free and active doctrine and dynamic equilibrium. These doctrinal factors in another sense become the primary foundation of Indonesias middlepowermanship foreign policy. The challenge in this case is the contradiction between economic and political interests that has forced Indonesia to balance between her political interests and economic interests. While growing relations with China could help Indonesia implement her strategic infrastructure development that leads to a better economic capability, the situation could erode her aspiration as middle power country (middlepowermanship). This article would like to find how Indonesia juggles between those interest without undermining her position and credibility as an emerging middle power. This article proposes that even though domestic politics plays important role in fostering Indonesia position as middle power countries, at the same time Indonesia needs to strengthen her relations towards other countries and especially manage the centrality of ASEAN in the region to secure principle of dynamic equilibrium and the role of bridge builder.  Keywords: Global Maritime Fulcrum, middlepowermanship, dynamic equilibrium, bridge builder, down to earth diplomacy AbstrakHubungan Indonesia dengan Tiongkok memulai babak baru dengan penandatanganan kemitraan strategis pada tahun 2005. Penandatanganan tersebut dan kesamaan pada kebangkitan pembangunan infrastruktur di kedua negara mendorong peningkatan arus modal dan kerjasama. Di bawah kepemimpinan Presiden Joko Widodo yang mengusung program Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) dengan tujuan membangun konektifitas domestik, telah membuka peluang kerjasama bagi Tiongkok untuk menanamkan modal dan membangun kerjasama yang saling melengkapi dengan program Belt Road Initiatives (BRI). Meskipun peluang besar terbuka bagi kedua pihak, masih terdapat ganjalan bagi terbangunnya kerjasama yang lebih mendalam. Prinsip politik luar negeri Indonesia tidak memungkinkan Indonesia untuk sepenuhnya menggantungkan atau beraliansi dengan kekuatan besar di kawasan ataupun global. Indonesia sendiri telah lama menjalankan aktifisme internasional yang berdasarkan prinsip bebas aktif dan keseimbangan dinamis. Prinsip-prinsip tersebut menjadi dasar rujukan bagi middlepowermanshipdalam politik luar negeri Indonesia. Tantangannya dalam hal ini adalah bagaimana upaya Indonesia menyeimbangkan antara kepentingan politik dan ekonominya. Perkembangan hubungan ekonomi dengan Tiongkok dapat membantu Indonesia melaksanakan pembangunan infrastruktur strategis yang akan berdampak pada peningkatan kapabilitas ekonomi. Namun begitu, kedekatan yang tidak terimbangi akan dapat mengganggu politik luar negerinya sebagai kekuatan negara menengah (middlepowermanship). Artikel ini bertujuan mengetahui bagaimana Indonesia mengimbangi beragam kepentingan tersebut tanpa mengganggu posisi dan kredibilitasnya sebagai negara kekuatan menengah. Artikel ini berpendapat bahwa tanpa mengabaikan peranan faktor domestik, pada saat yang bersamaan Indonesia perlu membangun jalinan kerjasama dengan negara lain, terutama yang sejalan dengan penguatan sentralitas ASEAN demi perlindungan prinsip keseimbangan dinamis dan peranannya sebagai penjembatan di antara kekuatan besar.Kata Kunci: Global Maritime Fulcrum, middlepowermanship, keseimbangan dinamis, penjembatan, diplomasi membumi

Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia Terhadap Tiongkok: Memperjuangkan Kepentingan Nasional Di Tengah Ketidakseimbangan Kekuatan

Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 14, No 1 (2017): Transformasi Identitas Keindonesiaan
Publisher : Pusat Penelitian Politik

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Abstract

ABSTRACTThis paper would like to describe Indonesias foreign policy towards China in the Reform period. As we known that Indonesia-China bilateral relations  have been going on since the 1950s. The relations have ups and downs condition in accordance with the dynamics of domestic politics of each country. It is exciting that in Reform period that  bilateral cooperation has been increasing especially in the field of politics and economy. In other hand, there is  obstacle in this bilateral cooperation.  The cooperation based on imbalance power relation (asymmetric power relations) which will affect to the bargaining position of each country in struggling for national interests. China as a nation with greater national power will be easier in fighting for its national interests compared to Indonesia as a country with smaller national power. To solve the obstacle, Indonesias position as a middle power country can be a strategic instrument in facing China. Position as an middle power is based on a number of identifications of its capacity and political behavior in international relations such as ; a diplomatic initiator in realizing stability / security and peace in the region. Finally, in closing remark that this paper is expected to give input to the direction of Indonesian foreign policy towards China so that it has more bargaining position in fighting its national interests against China in the midst of imbalance power (asymmetric power relations)Keywords: Foreign policy, power imbalance, national interest

CERITA PANJI DAN PERADABAN PESISIR YANG PLURALISTIK

Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya Vol 12, No 1 (2010)
Publisher : P2KK LIPI

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Abstract

Judul Buku : Peradaban Pesisir: Menuju Sejarah Budaya Asia Tenggara Penulis : Adrian Vickers Penerbit : Pustaka Larasan bekerjasama dengan Udayana University Press Cetakan: I, 2009 Tebal : xx + 220 hlm. ISBN : 978 979 379 0350